AESTHETIC IMPOVERISHMENT IS DUE TO OVERPRODUCTION IN CONTEMPORARY ART
AND
OVERDESTRUCTION OF THE SOCIAL TISSUE IS DUE TO THE WARS ON TERRORISM AND DRUG CARTELS
OVERPRODUCTION AND OVERDESTRUCTION HAVE THE PURPOSE OF IMPLEMENTING
MORE MEASURES TO ASSURE THE CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH AND POWER IN THE HANDS OF THE PRIVILEGED FEW
The contemporary art system plays itself up as a neutral and positive cultural integration tool, however, by abusing concepts like “inclusion,” “the lesser of evils” or “freedom of expression” it has become delirious and has impoverished itself.
The contemporary Artworld reeks of intellectual and poetic poverty as its repertoire of formal variations is exhausted. Contemporary Art has bankrupted “art” in its never ending need, especially since 9/11, to rationalize and aestheticize the fears and anxieties fueled by Bushist propaganda and in the process, sabotaging its own critical and visionary potential.
The sad story about the world of contemporary art today is how its members have willingly assumed an attitude of self-censorship as well as simplistic and formulaic formal conceptualisms and reductiveness as necessary tools in order to insert themselves in the global art network.
Art has become an internationalized language and Art World members ambassadors of a well intentioned cultural system premised on inclusion and freedom of speech. Political engagement or ethical sensibilization is at times reduced to accepting cynically certain policies and socio-economic processes as “the lesser of evils,” contributing to the normalization of dispossession, apartheid, war and violence. This is partly due to the fact that the Artworld is subsidized by the excess produced by financial capital invested as a marketing and public relations tool that is capable of reaching out to a worldwide public: Artists now entertain the euphoric, voracious, vulgar and illiterate corporate elites producing art that caters to their masochistic and cynical tastes.
The contemporary art system is delusional insofar as its fairs and biennials continue thriving in the same purposeless way that the United States forces continue its illogical attacks and occupation of Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere.
As the US army keeps on blowing up people and buildings, to massacre intellectuals and to devastate culture, corporations destroy native infrastructure in the name of ‘development.’ In the meantime, the Artworld continues to subside into banality; which happens to be Western society’s only way of being able to deal with such unprecedented massive destruction. Liberal cultural thinkers defend the need for contemporary art as a spiritual oasis in these violent times we live in, but the societies where the contemporary art system thrives are at a loss when it comes to coping with their passive participation and thus, silent complicity in the ongoing wars and destruction.
Overproduction of banal contemporary art has become the solution as well as part of the problem: Art is the band-aid for reckless and massive destruction elsewhere, a compulsive activity and the vehicle of creative expression of Western angst. How long will this denial mechanism keep on thriving in our societies?
What political and moral questions are in play now in the minds of contemporary Artworld constituents?
A lot might be at stake for many, at a time of the loss of their monetary and ideological investments, when their whole-hearted liberal faith in a system supposedly incarnating democratic values about the freedom of expression is obviously collapsing. Evidently, a critical stand can be embraced by contemporary art, but only insofar as it passes as the antagonism that is inherent to a healthy democracy. This is how criticality has become an Artworld myth: in its claim to be a platform for the inclusion of all dissident voices, the Artworld conceives itself as the spokesperson of true democracy. This delirious myth is undermined by recent examples of the fascistic repression of pacific demonstrators against the policies of the G20 in Toronto, the IDF mortal attacks on the Gaza Freedom Flotilla, the murder of activists in San Juan Copala, Oaxaca, etc.
The intellectuals’ response to recent alarming facts and events in the world has been denial translated into one homogenous impenetrable mass of numbed nerve endings all feeling the same impotence and blind need to overproduce themselves to death like busy little ants working compulsively at an interminable construction site just before it is about to be inundated by an impending rain storm.
Again, we are faced with the overwhelming sensation that the Artworld is an irrational rationalizer of an irrational system.
In Mexico contemporary art functions as a smoke shield or a steam shield. It is not inappropriate to evoke an image by Teresa Margolles, Vaporización (2002), – an installation that consists of a room full of steaming water that had been previously used to wash the bodies of murdered people at a morgue in one of Mexico City’s most dangerous neighborhoods – as metaphor to describe the compensatory role of contemporary art in Mexico today: A seductive quasi corporeal inundation of the senses which rationalizes and at the same time nullifies itself by clouding the realities of Mexican society reinforcing the well intentioned liberal sensibilities of the privileged class here and abroad.
The aesthetico-political principles of contemporary art are blindly in sync with capitalism; this fact is rendered invisible by contemporary art itself because many of its precepts are the immovable and unquestionable bastions of modern societies. The fairly recent inclusion of contemporary Mexican art in the global panorama has fulfilled liberal Mexican society’s expectations of cultural autonomy beyond being seen as backward or a mere colonial imitation of European art. Moreover, contemporary art’s disavowal of politicized content since 9/11, has found fecund ground in neo-liberal Mexico. The trivialization of content came hand in hand with the privatization of the Mexican cultural sphere. The over-aesthetization preferred by the Mexican elite favors tedious poetic rationalizations of the daily violence lived daily in this country, underscored by the unconscious normalization of the Neoliberal situation by promoting the idea that the current worldwide financial crisis is just part of the normal cycle of creative destruction through which capitalism progresses, that creative destruction is the engine of economic growth, and that the ceaseless replacement of the old with the new brings prosperity.
Artists’ poetic and cynical gestures have become part of the problem, as the Artworld has acclimatized itself to the present climate of violence by producing objects that precisely fetishize violence. Many understand these works as denunciations or even as critiques of the reigning brutality, however, they are convenient rationalizations of phenomena promoted by the voices holding the cultural power behind the scenes. Perhaps the overwhelming socio-economic realities of the world cannot be apprehended or digested by the Artworld at this precise moment.
As Ben Davis pointed out, contemporary art tends to be purposefully elitist, to play opaque intellectual games, and to stage political action or populist spectacles that reflect the contradictions of economic reality but through the filter of the Artworld’s middle class position within such reality, necessarily oblivious to real social antagonisms. This is how the liberal, middle class attitude of the contemporary Mexican Artworld fits in perfectly with the cultural agenda of the corporate and financial ruling elites worldwide.
The war machinery and the art machinery have been working full blast for many years now, unrelentless in their overproductive destruction insofar as they are complicit with capitalism’s task of homogenizing consumer needs and aesthetic sensibilities at the global scale. Why not an art production moratorium for a while? Artists should stop showing their work, slow down and reflect upon what is happening around them; galleries and museums must close down, and art foundations and well intentioned art patrons should bring all cultural activities to a halt, until society is able to renew culture by itself, as opposed to being fed culture. The cultural elite cannot continue hiding behind institutional, commercial and cultural venues of pseudo prestige for much longer. MUACC-NILC calls for a stop to all cultural production until culture can again redefine itself within the context of the historical changes brought to our society by the current civil war, unprecedented violence and massive financial and resource dispossession. The rich live in Mexico like Arundathi Roy describes how they live in India: Like animals incarcerated by their own wealth, locked and barred in their gilded cages, protecting themselves from the threat of the vulgar and unruly multitudes whom they have systematically dispossessed over centuries. This is the cause of the current civil war, not the few narco bandits threatening to take over the country, the evident result of decades of social injustice and manipulative blindness on the part of the Mexican elites to which artists are now complicit.
7.7.10
30.6.10
THE CONTEMPORARY ART SYSTEM IS AN IRRATIONAL RATIONALIZER OF AN IRRATIONAL SYSTEM AND THE SURPLUS SUPPLEMENT OF FINANCIAL CAPITALISM
Minimalist art is a given and an inevitable stage in the Darwinist evolution of contemporary art: what you see is what you see
Contemporary art is usually thought of as an empty signifier or vessel that can be filled with any content whatever
The content of contemporary art is determined by the market and by middle class liberal aesthetico-political ideology
The contemporary art system is an irrational rationalizer of an irrational system and the surplus supplement of financial capitalism
El arte minimalista es un dado y una etapa inevitable en la evolución darwinista del arte contemporáneo: lo que ves es lo que ves
Usualmente se considera al arte contemporáneo como un significante o contenedor vacío que puede llenarse con cualquier contenido
El contenido del arte contemporáneo es determinado por el mercado y por la ideología estético-política liberal de la clase media
El sistema del arte contemporáneo es un racionalizador irracional de un sistema irracional y el suplemento en plusvalía del capitalismo financiero
agrande la imagen/click on image to enlarge
Contemporary art is usually thought of as an empty signifier or vessel that can be filled with any content whatever
The content of contemporary art is determined by the market and by middle class liberal aesthetico-political ideology
The contemporary art system is an irrational rationalizer of an irrational system and the surplus supplement of financial capitalism
El arte minimalista es un dado y una etapa inevitable en la evolución darwinista del arte contemporáneo: lo que ves es lo que ves
Usualmente se considera al arte contemporáneo como un significante o contenedor vacío que puede llenarse con cualquier contenido
El contenido del arte contemporáneo es determinado por el mercado y por la ideología estético-política liberal de la clase media
El sistema del arte contemporáneo es un racionalizador irracional de un sistema irracional y el suplemento en plusvalía del capitalismo financiero
agrande la imagen/click on image to enlarge
28.6.10
THE OBSESSION WITH IDENTITY FASCISM/FRANCO BERARDI
The obsession with identity fascism
Franco Berardi
Potere Operaio presented itself explicitly, even provocatively, as a movement that had severed all links with the history of realised socialism. Just as decisively, it refused to identify with the tradition of anti-fascism. We have seen in the group’s political history, after the 1970 Florence Congress and the Leninist turn, the reinvigoration of the languages and methodologies of the Third International tradition, to the point that these suffocated the group’s originality. But it remains true nonetheless that the peculiar conception of the relation between working class autonomy, power and development elaborated by Potere Operaio in the first phase of its history was able to escape the historicist model of the realisation of socialism. Nor was its judgement on the socialist mode of production compatible with the Marxist-Leninist tradition. With Lenin’s affirmation in the NEP period that socialism equalled ‘soviets plus electricity’, and his embrace of the taylorist model, socialism could not but become (and here the Mensheviks were right) bureaucratic capitalism. Potere Operaio did not develop a more profound reflection on the Soviet model, on its feudal- bureaucratic character, on the military apparatus as the cement of the social structure, and thus its imperialist vocation. Then again, no-one else in Italy took this up either.
Studies such as that of Castoriadis — whose Devant la guerre (Paris, Seuil, 1981) analysed the stratocratic character of the USSR and its intrinsic rigidity — or that of Isabelle D’Encausse — whose L’empire en miettes (Paris, Fayard, 1981) anticipated the Empire’s collapse from a range of pressures (of identity, and of centrifuge) — have never found the audience they deserved in Italy. The analysis of realised socialism and its crisis has largely been institutional, focused on the formal political sphere (politicista). The PCI’s hypocrisy on this point was the worst obstacle to a critical understanding. The PCI spent decades repeating formulas about the Soviet regime’s ‘backwardness, errors, deviations’, systematically refusing to address the organically criminal character of that regime. But this is understandable, given that the PCI was born out of the same matrix, and had functioned as an organic part of the international system of authoritarianism. The collapse of the socialist regimes was inscribed in the horizon of possibilities foreseen by Potere Operaio’s analysis. What instead was certainly alien to its predictions was the close connection between the collapse of the Soviet empire and the crisis of every internationalist perspective, and so the outbreak on a planetary scale of a civil war over the question of identity.
This is the prospect that has unfolded over the course of the nineties. It is on the basis of the crisis of internationalism that the obsession with identity has taken the initiative, darkening the planetary horizon. Metropolitan cosmopolitanism remains limited to the virtual class, to the globalised stratum of the planetary network. The great majority of humanity remains excluded from the cabled circuit of hyper-modern cosmopolitanism, and is gripped by its obsessions with identity. Residual localisms acquire a desperate energy. But this signals the beginning of the crisis of modern universalism. What does universalism mean? We can talk of universalism when confronted with a perspective of ethical, political and existential value that possesses a universal normative force beyond (a prescindere) cultural differences. Materialist dialectics opposed bourgeois universalism with proletarian particularism, the negative force of a partisan interest that contained within itself the nucleus of a higher, more fully human form of social relation. But this particularism still possessed (dialectically) a universalist horizon. Affirming with sectarianism working class particularity meant, in the dialectical vision, posing the conditions for a higher universality. This ideological schema is clearly of Hegelian, historicist derivation. But this does not take away the fact that internationalism was something more concrete than a moral proposition.
Internationalism was not an abstract value to pursue, but a fact of collective experience that lived in the struggle of workers against capitalism, and in the unity of proletarian interests that knew no borders. Workers have the same interests in every place across the globe: to appropriate growing quotients of the wealth that they themselves have produced, and to reduce the time of their dependence upon wage labour. The stronger workers are in one point of the cycle, the stronger workers are in all other points of the cycle. This elementary truth did not allow us to foresee the profound cultural change which followed the capitalist attack of the eighties. In order to defeat working class autonomy, to drive back the libertarian and anti-productivist wave of the movements, capital created the conditions for the diffusion of a widespread aggressiveness in the form of the re-emergence of ‘the people’. The re-emergence on the world scene of ‘peoples’ is the sign of working class defeat: peoples are the particularity that cannot be rendered dialectical, the particularity without a universal project, the idiot particularity.
***
In the years when the movements were at their height, fascism, in all its forms, appeared to us as an epoch that was dead and gone forever; or, at most, as a brutal instrument of repression. We thought a new type of totalitarianism was possible, but under the banners of social democracy, of a concentrated and technological hyper-development. Only social democracy, it seemed to us, was capable of dividing the movement of workers and subordinating it to reformism and statism. We thought that the fascists and various other criminals would only reappear on the scene thanks to the initiative and goodness of the reformist state. The scenario of the nineties is completely different. It is no longer true that the decisive forces are capital and the working class. As in a game of mirrors, the context has been fragmented, multiplied, overturned. Capital and working class continue to confront each other, but in a manner that overturns their relation in the sixties: the initiative (which then belonged to the workers) has today decisively shifted to international finance capital. At the same time two other figures have appeared: the virtual class, that is the cycle of globalised mental labour; and the residual class, the shapeless mass of populations excluded from (or never part of) the production cycle, which press aggressively to conquer a space of survival and recognition in the planetary spectacle.The word ‘revolution’ no longer means anything within this new configuration—but then neither does the phrase ‘political democracy’. An ethical, immaginary, projectual level common to the figures of globalised fragmentary labour no longer exists, because they lack a shared social foundation. While capital courses through them all, because it continues to be the agent of generalised codification, the figures of mental labour are simultaneously fragmentary in their inmost (intima) constitution, and global in their extrinsic relation, mediated by technology.
***
A very tight dialectic between capitalist progress and working class revolution was the horizon of Potere Operaio’s thought. Communism was simply a weapon of this struggle: ‘communism is the real movement that abolishes the present state of things’. That dialectic bore its own fruit: the development of labour’s autonomy from the factory, intellectualisation, enormous productive potentiality, the reduction of the labour necessary for global reproduction. But at this point the world presents itself in another light. No longer the light of a dialectic in which particular subjectivities produce a universal perspective, but the disquieting light of devolution, of a regression that society inflicts upon itself in order to withstand capital’s mutagenic impact upon its anthropological and psychochemical composition. One recognisable form of devolution is fascism. Fascism, that strange word, that shapeless word. For a long time I strove to find a concept able to define the different (and contradictory) forms of authoritarianism, of nationalistic or ethnic aggression and so on, but without success. In his article ‘Il fascismo eterno’, Umberto Eco recognises that ‘the characteristics cannot be marshalled into a system, many are mutually contradictory and are typical of other forms of despotism and fanaticism. But it is sufficient for one to be present for a fascist nebula to coagulate’.
There follows a list of Ur-fascism’s characteristics: the cult of tradition, the refusal of modernism, action for action’s sake, the fear of difference, and so on. But, as interesting and pertinent as these characteristics are, Eco himself recognises that the effort of definition seems ultimately to end in frustration because the object continues to get away. For example, after having said that fascism is contrary to modernism, it must be recognised that historic fascism played a role in the modernisation of society in both Italy and Germany. In the absence, then, of a satisfactory and comprehensive definition, we run the risk of defining fascism as everything that disgusts us, and of identifying fascism, simply, as the party of imbecility and violence: as the party of evil. And this, naturally, doesn’t work, it doesn’t define anything. The problem is that that to which we are referring, using this word—fascism—which is imprecise and historically far too dated, is an extremely vast field of forms of life, behaviours, ideologies, prejudices that have, in the last analysis, a single element in common: the obsession with definition. The obsession to define is, in the last analysis, the characteristic common to the field of phenomena that we define as ‘fascism’; it is simultaneously comprehensible and difficult to define.
‘Fascism’, in its maximum conceptual extension (encompassing nationalism and religious fundamentalism, political authoritarianism, sexual aggression and so on . . .) can be brought back to a fundamental obsession: the obsession with identity, the obsession with belonging, with origin, with recognisability. This obsession has grown, extended itself, exploded over the course of our century, precisely because our century is a century of deterritorialisation, of cultural contamination and de-identification. The pressure (pulsione) that seems to guide fundamentally those behaviours which fall within the ambit of ‘fascism’ is the pressure to recognise ourselves as identical, identifiable, and therefore belonging to a community (of language, faith, race . . .). based upon origin. Only origin bears witness to belonging, and as we know, origin is an illusion, a legend, an attribute that is more or less shared, but unfounded. Ethnic identity does not exist, any more than linguistic identity. While each of us comes from a history of crossbreedings and contaminations that can neither be attested nor authenticated, there are illusions of ethnic belonging; while each of us speaks our own dialect that can never be fundamentally translatable by another speaker, there are illusions of linguistic comprehension. Living together is premised on these. The more the field of ethnic identifiability, of comprehensibility, of origin are perturbed, the more acute becomes the need to identify, to the point of obsession.
***
In the end, the inhuman appears as the dominant form of human relations: reaction devolved to a development of capital that, even as it proceeds triumphantly, excludes and crystallises growing sections of the planetary nervous system, and secretes inhumanity. After having subordinated the working class variable, capital readies itself for its new, titanic enterprise: subordinating the entire cycle of human cognitive activity into an automated system that is cabled on a number of levels: the economic, technological, psychochemical—and perhaps in the future, also the biogenetic. But the residues that this enterprise leaves along its course are immense, corresponding to the majority of the human population.
After having incorporated working class autonomy in technique, and after having eliminated every alternative perspective, capital imposes itself as the accumulation of automatic processes that are no more governable nor opposable. Techno-social interfaces progressively connect towards the transformation of the global economy into a hive mind that functions according to prescribed goals and cabled in the techno-linguistic garb of its human terminals. At this point, the bio-computer super-organism reads the human and discards it as noise.
This process goes towards the creation of a super-identity completely indifferent to identities of origin (of sex, race, faith, nationality). But in the process of this super-identity’s formation, an enormous quantity of human material is discarded: the majority of humanity, which remains outside the cabled circuit of the globalised techno-economy. This material residue identifies itself through aggressive cults, founded on the illusion of an originary authenticity in need of restoration. Only the affirmation of an identity makes survival possible in a world increasingly dense with conflicting territorial projects, in a world dominated by the paradox of growing wealth that produces an expanding misery.
In the horizon of evolution, the problem of collective happiness and liberation comes to be posed in terms that are completely asymmetrical to those we have known in the past. How will the human singularity reproduce itself in the sphere of the posthuman? Harmony, happiness, awareness: how can these be singularised in the sphere of the cabled global mind? The universality to which dialectical thought aspired was the result of the very process of the particularities’ capacity to constitute themselves as a conscious subject, and therefore to surpass the particular. The abolition of wage labour by the class of wage labour ably represented this process of inverting the whole starting from the negative affirmation of the parts. What is instead determinate is another type of universality: the abstract universality of code that semiotises every fragment of the existing without respecting any pulsation of living human particularity.
The century is ending under the sign of an inhuman universality, the universality of Code, of abstraction that manifests in money, in the circulation of information and finances. Therefore an abstract and disincarnated totalitarianism takes the place of the machine of universal semioticisation. Facing it, the massive return of the residual human, of the body, of blood and soil, of tradition and identity: the rancorous and aggressive reaffirmation of particularity against every other particularity in the name of no universality.
Translated by Steve Wright
Franco Berardi
Potere Operaio presented itself explicitly, even provocatively, as a movement that had severed all links with the history of realised socialism. Just as decisively, it refused to identify with the tradition of anti-fascism. We have seen in the group’s political history, after the 1970 Florence Congress and the Leninist turn, the reinvigoration of the languages and methodologies of the Third International tradition, to the point that these suffocated the group’s originality. But it remains true nonetheless that the peculiar conception of the relation between working class autonomy, power and development elaborated by Potere Operaio in the first phase of its history was able to escape the historicist model of the realisation of socialism. Nor was its judgement on the socialist mode of production compatible with the Marxist-Leninist tradition. With Lenin’s affirmation in the NEP period that socialism equalled ‘soviets plus electricity’, and his embrace of the taylorist model, socialism could not but become (and here the Mensheviks were right) bureaucratic capitalism. Potere Operaio did not develop a more profound reflection on the Soviet model, on its feudal- bureaucratic character, on the military apparatus as the cement of the social structure, and thus its imperialist vocation. Then again, no-one else in Italy took this up either.
Studies such as that of Castoriadis — whose Devant la guerre (Paris, Seuil, 1981) analysed the stratocratic character of the USSR and its intrinsic rigidity — or that of Isabelle D’Encausse — whose L’empire en miettes (Paris, Fayard, 1981) anticipated the Empire’s collapse from a range of pressures (of identity, and of centrifuge) — have never found the audience they deserved in Italy. The analysis of realised socialism and its crisis has largely been institutional, focused on the formal political sphere (politicista). The PCI’s hypocrisy on this point was the worst obstacle to a critical understanding. The PCI spent decades repeating formulas about the Soviet regime’s ‘backwardness, errors, deviations’, systematically refusing to address the organically criminal character of that regime. But this is understandable, given that the PCI was born out of the same matrix, and had functioned as an organic part of the international system of authoritarianism. The collapse of the socialist regimes was inscribed in the horizon of possibilities foreseen by Potere Operaio’s analysis. What instead was certainly alien to its predictions was the close connection between the collapse of the Soviet empire and the crisis of every internationalist perspective, and so the outbreak on a planetary scale of a civil war over the question of identity.
This is the prospect that has unfolded over the course of the nineties. It is on the basis of the crisis of internationalism that the obsession with identity has taken the initiative, darkening the planetary horizon. Metropolitan cosmopolitanism remains limited to the virtual class, to the globalised stratum of the planetary network. The great majority of humanity remains excluded from the cabled circuit of hyper-modern cosmopolitanism, and is gripped by its obsessions with identity. Residual localisms acquire a desperate energy. But this signals the beginning of the crisis of modern universalism. What does universalism mean? We can talk of universalism when confronted with a perspective of ethical, political and existential value that possesses a universal normative force beyond (a prescindere) cultural differences. Materialist dialectics opposed bourgeois universalism with proletarian particularism, the negative force of a partisan interest that contained within itself the nucleus of a higher, more fully human form of social relation. But this particularism still possessed (dialectically) a universalist horizon. Affirming with sectarianism working class particularity meant, in the dialectical vision, posing the conditions for a higher universality. This ideological schema is clearly of Hegelian, historicist derivation. But this does not take away the fact that internationalism was something more concrete than a moral proposition.
Internationalism was not an abstract value to pursue, but a fact of collective experience that lived in the struggle of workers against capitalism, and in the unity of proletarian interests that knew no borders. Workers have the same interests in every place across the globe: to appropriate growing quotients of the wealth that they themselves have produced, and to reduce the time of their dependence upon wage labour. The stronger workers are in one point of the cycle, the stronger workers are in all other points of the cycle. This elementary truth did not allow us to foresee the profound cultural change which followed the capitalist attack of the eighties. In order to defeat working class autonomy, to drive back the libertarian and anti-productivist wave of the movements, capital created the conditions for the diffusion of a widespread aggressiveness in the form of the re-emergence of ‘the people’. The re-emergence on the world scene of ‘peoples’ is the sign of working class defeat: peoples are the particularity that cannot be rendered dialectical, the particularity without a universal project, the idiot particularity.
***
In the years when the movements were at their height, fascism, in all its forms, appeared to us as an epoch that was dead and gone forever; or, at most, as a brutal instrument of repression. We thought a new type of totalitarianism was possible, but under the banners of social democracy, of a concentrated and technological hyper-development. Only social democracy, it seemed to us, was capable of dividing the movement of workers and subordinating it to reformism and statism. We thought that the fascists and various other criminals would only reappear on the scene thanks to the initiative and goodness of the reformist state. The scenario of the nineties is completely different. It is no longer true that the decisive forces are capital and the working class. As in a game of mirrors, the context has been fragmented, multiplied, overturned. Capital and working class continue to confront each other, but in a manner that overturns their relation in the sixties: the initiative (which then belonged to the workers) has today decisively shifted to international finance capital. At the same time two other figures have appeared: the virtual class, that is the cycle of globalised mental labour; and the residual class, the shapeless mass of populations excluded from (or never part of) the production cycle, which press aggressively to conquer a space of survival and recognition in the planetary spectacle.The word ‘revolution’ no longer means anything within this new configuration—but then neither does the phrase ‘political democracy’. An ethical, immaginary, projectual level common to the figures of globalised fragmentary labour no longer exists, because they lack a shared social foundation. While capital courses through them all, because it continues to be the agent of generalised codification, the figures of mental labour are simultaneously fragmentary in their inmost (intima) constitution, and global in their extrinsic relation, mediated by technology.
***
A very tight dialectic between capitalist progress and working class revolution was the horizon of Potere Operaio’s thought. Communism was simply a weapon of this struggle: ‘communism is the real movement that abolishes the present state of things’. That dialectic bore its own fruit: the development of labour’s autonomy from the factory, intellectualisation, enormous productive potentiality, the reduction of the labour necessary for global reproduction. But at this point the world presents itself in another light. No longer the light of a dialectic in which particular subjectivities produce a universal perspective, but the disquieting light of devolution, of a regression that society inflicts upon itself in order to withstand capital’s mutagenic impact upon its anthropological and psychochemical composition. One recognisable form of devolution is fascism. Fascism, that strange word, that shapeless word. For a long time I strove to find a concept able to define the different (and contradictory) forms of authoritarianism, of nationalistic or ethnic aggression and so on, but without success. In his article ‘Il fascismo eterno’, Umberto Eco recognises that ‘the characteristics cannot be marshalled into a system, many are mutually contradictory and are typical of other forms of despotism and fanaticism. But it is sufficient for one to be present for a fascist nebula to coagulate’.
There follows a list of Ur-fascism’s characteristics: the cult of tradition, the refusal of modernism, action for action’s sake, the fear of difference, and so on. But, as interesting and pertinent as these characteristics are, Eco himself recognises that the effort of definition seems ultimately to end in frustration because the object continues to get away. For example, after having said that fascism is contrary to modernism, it must be recognised that historic fascism played a role in the modernisation of society in both Italy and Germany. In the absence, then, of a satisfactory and comprehensive definition, we run the risk of defining fascism as everything that disgusts us, and of identifying fascism, simply, as the party of imbecility and violence: as the party of evil. And this, naturally, doesn’t work, it doesn’t define anything. The problem is that that to which we are referring, using this word—fascism—which is imprecise and historically far too dated, is an extremely vast field of forms of life, behaviours, ideologies, prejudices that have, in the last analysis, a single element in common: the obsession with definition. The obsession to define is, in the last analysis, the characteristic common to the field of phenomena that we define as ‘fascism’; it is simultaneously comprehensible and difficult to define.
‘Fascism’, in its maximum conceptual extension (encompassing nationalism and religious fundamentalism, political authoritarianism, sexual aggression and so on . . .) can be brought back to a fundamental obsession: the obsession with identity, the obsession with belonging, with origin, with recognisability. This obsession has grown, extended itself, exploded over the course of our century, precisely because our century is a century of deterritorialisation, of cultural contamination and de-identification. The pressure (pulsione) that seems to guide fundamentally those behaviours which fall within the ambit of ‘fascism’ is the pressure to recognise ourselves as identical, identifiable, and therefore belonging to a community (of language, faith, race . . .). based upon origin. Only origin bears witness to belonging, and as we know, origin is an illusion, a legend, an attribute that is more or less shared, but unfounded. Ethnic identity does not exist, any more than linguistic identity. While each of us comes from a history of crossbreedings and contaminations that can neither be attested nor authenticated, there are illusions of ethnic belonging; while each of us speaks our own dialect that can never be fundamentally translatable by another speaker, there are illusions of linguistic comprehension. Living together is premised on these. The more the field of ethnic identifiability, of comprehensibility, of origin are perturbed, the more acute becomes the need to identify, to the point of obsession.
***
In the end, the inhuman appears as the dominant form of human relations: reaction devolved to a development of capital that, even as it proceeds triumphantly, excludes and crystallises growing sections of the planetary nervous system, and secretes inhumanity. After having subordinated the working class variable, capital readies itself for its new, titanic enterprise: subordinating the entire cycle of human cognitive activity into an automated system that is cabled on a number of levels: the economic, technological, psychochemical—and perhaps in the future, also the biogenetic. But the residues that this enterprise leaves along its course are immense, corresponding to the majority of the human population.
After having incorporated working class autonomy in technique, and after having eliminated every alternative perspective, capital imposes itself as the accumulation of automatic processes that are no more governable nor opposable. Techno-social interfaces progressively connect towards the transformation of the global economy into a hive mind that functions according to prescribed goals and cabled in the techno-linguistic garb of its human terminals. At this point, the bio-computer super-organism reads the human and discards it as noise.
This process goes towards the creation of a super-identity completely indifferent to identities of origin (of sex, race, faith, nationality). But in the process of this super-identity’s formation, an enormous quantity of human material is discarded: the majority of humanity, which remains outside the cabled circuit of the globalised techno-economy. This material residue identifies itself through aggressive cults, founded on the illusion of an originary authenticity in need of restoration. Only the affirmation of an identity makes survival possible in a world increasingly dense with conflicting territorial projects, in a world dominated by the paradox of growing wealth that produces an expanding misery.
In the horizon of evolution, the problem of collective happiness and liberation comes to be posed in terms that are completely asymmetrical to those we have known in the past. How will the human singularity reproduce itself in the sphere of the posthuman? Harmony, happiness, awareness: how can these be singularised in the sphere of the cabled global mind? The universality to which dialectical thought aspired was the result of the very process of the particularities’ capacity to constitute themselves as a conscious subject, and therefore to surpass the particular. The abolition of wage labour by the class of wage labour ably represented this process of inverting the whole starting from the negative affirmation of the parts. What is instead determinate is another type of universality: the abstract universality of code that semiotises every fragment of the existing without respecting any pulsation of living human particularity.
The century is ending under the sign of an inhuman universality, the universality of Code, of abstraction that manifests in money, in the circulation of information and finances. Therefore an abstract and disincarnated totalitarianism takes the place of the machine of universal semioticisation. Facing it, the massive return of the residual human, of the body, of blood and soil, of tradition and identity: the rancorous and aggressive reaffirmation of particularity against every other particularity in the name of no universality.
Translated by Steve Wright
21.6.10
EL ARTE CONTEMPORÁNEO O FORMA PARTE DEL PROBLEMA O PARTE DE LA SOLUCIÓN
agrande la imagen/click on image to enlarge
20.6.10
¡BLANCO SOMOS Y BLANCO SEREMOS: ROBERT RYMAN Y LOS CRIOLLOS! UNA EXPOSICIÓN CURADA POR VICTOR ZAMUDIO TAYLOR Y ENRIQUE KRAUZE
agrande la imagen/click on image to enlarge
I
ESTAS PÁGINAS EN BLANCO NO SON UN ERROR.
ES LA TRISTE EVIDENCIA DE QUE, COMO SOCIEDAD, NOS
HEMOS CONVERTIDO EN EL BLANCO DE LA INSEGURIDAD
Y EL TERROR; SECUESTROS, VIOLENCIA, CRIMEN ORGANIZADO,
IMPUNIDAD.
ESTAS PÁGINAS BLANCAS COMO LOS CUADROS BLANCOS DE ROBERT RYMAN, REFLEJAN UNA VEZ MAS, NUESTRA CEGUERA Y ESTUPIDEZ. SON LA TRISTE EVIDENCIA DE QUE, JUNTO CON NUESTRO ESTATUS DE CÚSPIDE DE LA PIRÁMIDE SOCIAL VIENE EL MIEDO A SER EL BLANCO DE NUESTRA PROPIA REALIDAD SOCIAL, MISMA QUE INGNORAMOS: EL MANTENER NUESTRA HEGEMONÍA DE SIGLOS NOS HA GANADO INEVITABLEMENTE EL ODIO DE LA MANO DE OBRA Y CAMPESINADO INVISIBLES Y POR ESO SOMOS VÍCTIMAS DE NUESTRA PROPIA IMPUNIDAD Y PREPOTENCIA, Y NOS MERECEMOS SER BLANCO DE SECUESTROS, VIOLENCIA Y CRIMEN ORGANIZADO.
2
ESTAS PÁGINAS EN BLANCO SON GRITOS DE MIEDO.
GRITOS AL VACÍO QUE LAS VICTIMAS DE LA INSEGURIDAD
Y LA VIOLENCIA ELEVAN. GRITOS QUE LA SOCIEDAD ESCUCHA CON HORROR.
GRITOS QUE LAS AUTORIDADES NO OYEN, NO ATIENDEN, DEJAN EN BLANCO.
ESTAS PÁGINAS EN BLANCO REFLEJAN LA SIMPLICIDAD POÉTICA MODERNISTA Y SE JACTAN DE NUESTRA PERTENENCIA Y SINTONÍA CON EL MUNDO GLOBAL DE LA REDUCCIÓN DECORATIVA.
NOS IDENTIFICAMOS CON LOS CUADROS BLANCOS DE ROBERT RYMAN POR VARIAS RAZONES:
SU IMPENETRABILIDAD MATERIAL E IDEOLÓGICA, QUE REPRESENTAN UN GIRO EN LA PRODUCCIÓN
PLÁSTICA EN ESTADOS UNIDOS EN UN MOMENTO DE GRAN VIOLENCIA INTERNA Y EXTERNA.
ESTAS PAGINAS EN BLANCO SON GRITOS ILUSOS AL VACÍO ELEVADOS POR FALSAS VÍCTIMAS
AMENAZADAS DENTRO DE CASAS-BÚNKER EN CONJUNTOS HABITACIONALES AISLADOS Y VIGILADOS DEL PELIGRO FICTICIO
QUE REPRESENTAN LAS HUESTES MORENAS QUE SUPUESTAMENTE AMENAZAN
NUESTRO BIENESTAR Y NUESTRO DERECHO A LA IMPUNIDAD.
LAS AUTORIDADES NO OYEN, NO ATIENDEN, DEJAN EN BLANCO NUESTROS GRITOS DENUNCIANDO LA VIOLENCIA DE LA QUE SON RESPONSABLES. Y SIN EMBARGO, LAS AUTORIDADES ESTÁN CEGADAS COMO NOSOTROS A LA VERDADERA RAZÓN DE TANTA VIOLENCIA: LA DESIGUALDAD SOCIAL, EL RACISMO Y EL AFERRAMIENTO A
UN MODELO SOCIAL QUE IMPLICA LA DOMESTICACIÓN Y EXPLOTACIÓN DE LOS DESPOSEÍDOS DE ESTE PAÍS.
3
ESTAS PÁGINAS EN BLANCO SON EL HUECO DE ACCIÓN DE LAS AUTORIDADES. SIN IMPORTAR EL CLAMOR DE PROTECCIÓN CIUDADANA, HAN DEJADO EN BLANCO SUS PROMESAS DE COMBATIR EL CRIMEN, DE REFORMAR EL OBSOLETO SISTEMA JUDICIAL. DE GARANTIZARNOS TRANQUILIDAD.
LAS PINTURAS BLANCAS DE ROBERT RYMAN COINCIDEN CON NUESTRA NECESIDAD CULTURAL DE APOYAR UN ARTE DESPOLITIZADO Y TOTALMENTE DESVINCULADO DE LA REALIDAD SOCIAL DEL PAÍS. LAS PÁGINAS EN BLANCO SIMBOLIZAN NUESTRA EXIGENCIA DE QUE COMO CIUDADANOS BLANCOS, SEAMOS LOS ÚNICOS DIGNOS DE SER PROTEGIDOS POR LAS AUTORIDADES. ¿QUE HARÍAMOS LOS BLANCOS SIN NUESTRAS CRIADAS, NANAS, CHOFERES Y JARDINEROS MORENITOS?
4
ESTAS PÁGINAS EN BLANCO SON LA NUEVA BANDERA DE LA SOCIEDAD. UNA BANDERA DE PAZ Y DE EXIGENCIA QUE TODO MÉXICO ONDEA FRENTE A LAS AUTORIDADES. DEMANDAMOS QUE HAGAN A UN LADO SUS DIFERENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y CUMPLAN CON SU OBLIGACIÓN MAS ELEMENTAL: NUESTRA SEGURIDAD.
AHORA SI, ¡YA BASTA!
ESTAS PÁGINAS EN BLANCO RESUMEN EL MOMENTO HISTÓRICO QUE VIVIMOS:
NAVEGAMOS CON BANDERA DE PAZ PERO MAS BIEN NOS COBIJAMOS
DE BLANCO PARA NEGAR NUESTRA PARTICIPACIÓN ACTIVA Y COMPLICIDAD CON
EL ACTUAL CLIMA DE VIOLENCIA Y DE INSEGURIDAD. LA OBLIGACIÓN PRINCIPAL DE UN GOBIERNO DEMOCRÁTICO NO ES LA “SEGURIDAD” DE LA ÉLITE Y DE LA CLASE MEDIA, SINO DE ASEGURARSE QUE TODOS LOS CIUDADANOS CUMPLAN CON EL CONTRATO SOCIAL, AUN INEXISTENTE EN ESTE PAÍS.
I
ESTAS PÁGINAS EN BLANCO NO SON UN ERROR.
ES LA TRISTE EVIDENCIA DE QUE, COMO SOCIEDAD, NOS
HEMOS CONVERTIDO EN EL BLANCO DE LA INSEGURIDAD
Y EL TERROR; SECUESTROS, VIOLENCIA, CRIMEN ORGANIZADO,
IMPUNIDAD.
ESTAS PÁGINAS BLANCAS COMO LOS CUADROS BLANCOS DE ROBERT RYMAN, REFLEJAN UNA VEZ MAS, NUESTRA CEGUERA Y ESTUPIDEZ. SON LA TRISTE EVIDENCIA DE QUE, JUNTO CON NUESTRO ESTATUS DE CÚSPIDE DE LA PIRÁMIDE SOCIAL VIENE EL MIEDO A SER EL BLANCO DE NUESTRA PROPIA REALIDAD SOCIAL, MISMA QUE INGNORAMOS: EL MANTENER NUESTRA HEGEMONÍA DE SIGLOS NOS HA GANADO INEVITABLEMENTE EL ODIO DE LA MANO DE OBRA Y CAMPESINADO INVISIBLES Y POR ESO SOMOS VÍCTIMAS DE NUESTRA PROPIA IMPUNIDAD Y PREPOTENCIA, Y NOS MERECEMOS SER BLANCO DE SECUESTROS, VIOLENCIA Y CRIMEN ORGANIZADO.
2
ESTAS PÁGINAS EN BLANCO SON GRITOS DE MIEDO.
GRITOS AL VACÍO QUE LAS VICTIMAS DE LA INSEGURIDAD
Y LA VIOLENCIA ELEVAN. GRITOS QUE LA SOCIEDAD ESCUCHA CON HORROR.
GRITOS QUE LAS AUTORIDADES NO OYEN, NO ATIENDEN, DEJAN EN BLANCO.
ESTAS PÁGINAS EN BLANCO REFLEJAN LA SIMPLICIDAD POÉTICA MODERNISTA Y SE JACTAN DE NUESTRA PERTENENCIA Y SINTONÍA CON EL MUNDO GLOBAL DE LA REDUCCIÓN DECORATIVA.
NOS IDENTIFICAMOS CON LOS CUADROS BLANCOS DE ROBERT RYMAN POR VARIAS RAZONES:
SU IMPENETRABILIDAD MATERIAL E IDEOLÓGICA, QUE REPRESENTAN UN GIRO EN LA PRODUCCIÓN
PLÁSTICA EN ESTADOS UNIDOS EN UN MOMENTO DE GRAN VIOLENCIA INTERNA Y EXTERNA.
ESTAS PAGINAS EN BLANCO SON GRITOS ILUSOS AL VACÍO ELEVADOS POR FALSAS VÍCTIMAS
AMENAZADAS DENTRO DE CASAS-BÚNKER EN CONJUNTOS HABITACIONALES AISLADOS Y VIGILADOS DEL PELIGRO FICTICIO
QUE REPRESENTAN LAS HUESTES MORENAS QUE SUPUESTAMENTE AMENAZAN
NUESTRO BIENESTAR Y NUESTRO DERECHO A LA IMPUNIDAD.
LAS AUTORIDADES NO OYEN, NO ATIENDEN, DEJAN EN BLANCO NUESTROS GRITOS DENUNCIANDO LA VIOLENCIA DE LA QUE SON RESPONSABLES. Y SIN EMBARGO, LAS AUTORIDADES ESTÁN CEGADAS COMO NOSOTROS A LA VERDADERA RAZÓN DE TANTA VIOLENCIA: LA DESIGUALDAD SOCIAL, EL RACISMO Y EL AFERRAMIENTO A
UN MODELO SOCIAL QUE IMPLICA LA DOMESTICACIÓN Y EXPLOTACIÓN DE LOS DESPOSEÍDOS DE ESTE PAÍS.
3
ESTAS PÁGINAS EN BLANCO SON EL HUECO DE ACCIÓN DE LAS AUTORIDADES. SIN IMPORTAR EL CLAMOR DE PROTECCIÓN CIUDADANA, HAN DEJADO EN BLANCO SUS PROMESAS DE COMBATIR EL CRIMEN, DE REFORMAR EL OBSOLETO SISTEMA JUDICIAL. DE GARANTIZARNOS TRANQUILIDAD.
LAS PINTURAS BLANCAS DE ROBERT RYMAN COINCIDEN CON NUESTRA NECESIDAD CULTURAL DE APOYAR UN ARTE DESPOLITIZADO Y TOTALMENTE DESVINCULADO DE LA REALIDAD SOCIAL DEL PAÍS. LAS PÁGINAS EN BLANCO SIMBOLIZAN NUESTRA EXIGENCIA DE QUE COMO CIUDADANOS BLANCOS, SEAMOS LOS ÚNICOS DIGNOS DE SER PROTEGIDOS POR LAS AUTORIDADES. ¿QUE HARÍAMOS LOS BLANCOS SIN NUESTRAS CRIADAS, NANAS, CHOFERES Y JARDINEROS MORENITOS?
4
ESTAS PÁGINAS EN BLANCO SON LA NUEVA BANDERA DE LA SOCIEDAD. UNA BANDERA DE PAZ Y DE EXIGENCIA QUE TODO MÉXICO ONDEA FRENTE A LAS AUTORIDADES. DEMANDAMOS QUE HAGAN A UN LADO SUS DIFERENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y CUMPLAN CON SU OBLIGACIÓN MAS ELEMENTAL: NUESTRA SEGURIDAD.
AHORA SI, ¡YA BASTA!
ESTAS PÁGINAS EN BLANCO RESUMEN EL MOMENTO HISTÓRICO QUE VIVIMOS:
NAVEGAMOS CON BANDERA DE PAZ PERO MAS BIEN NOS COBIJAMOS
DE BLANCO PARA NEGAR NUESTRA PARTICIPACIÓN ACTIVA Y COMPLICIDAD CON
EL ACTUAL CLIMA DE VIOLENCIA Y DE INSEGURIDAD. LA OBLIGACIÓN PRINCIPAL DE UN GOBIERNO DEMOCRÁTICO NO ES LA “SEGURIDAD” DE LA ÉLITE Y DE LA CLASE MEDIA, SINO DE ASEGURARSE QUE TODOS LOS CIUDADANOS CUMPLAN CON EL CONTRATO SOCIAL, AUN INEXISTENTE EN ESTE PAÍS.
19.6.10
SLAVOJ ZIZEK-LIVING IN THE END TIMES
A SOMEWHAT PERTINENT DESCRIPTION APPROPRIATELY DESCRIBING MEXICO'S CULTURAL ELITE TODAY:
"ONE CAN THUS SAY THAT WHAT PUT THE LAST NAIL IN THE COFFIN OF YUGOSLAVIA WAS
THE ATTEMPT BY ITS LEADING CIRCLE TO PROTECT THEIR LEADER'S IGNORANCE, TO ENSURE
HIS OUTLOOK REMAINED ROSY.
IS THIS NOT, ULTIMATELY, WHAT CULTURE IS? ONE OF THE MOST ELEMENTARY CULTURAL
SKILLS IS TO KNOW WHEN (AND HOW) TO PRETEND NOT TO KNOW (OR NOTICE), HOW TO
GO ON AND ACT AS IF SOMETHING WHICH HAS HAPPENED DID NOT IN FACT HAPPEN."
SLAVOJ ZIZEK
"ONE CAN THUS SAY THAT WHAT PUT THE LAST NAIL IN THE COFFIN OF YUGOSLAVIA WAS
THE ATTEMPT BY ITS LEADING CIRCLE TO PROTECT THEIR LEADER'S IGNORANCE, TO ENSURE
HIS OUTLOOK REMAINED ROSY.
IS THIS NOT, ULTIMATELY, WHAT CULTURE IS? ONE OF THE MOST ELEMENTARY CULTURAL
SKILLS IS TO KNOW WHEN (AND HOW) TO PRETEND NOT TO KNOW (OR NOTICE), HOW TO
GO ON AND ACT AS IF SOMETHING WHICH HAS HAPPENED DID NOT IN FACT HAPPEN."
SLAVOJ ZIZEK
3.6.10
MUACC-NILC PRESENTA UN CONCIERTO DE ROCK EN SOLIDARIDAD A LA FLOTILLA DE LA LIBERTAD DIRIGIDA A GAZA
MUACC-NILC EN COLABORACIÓN CON EL CONSEJO INTERNACIONAL DE MUSEOS-NILC (NILC-ICOM) HA ORGANIZADO UN CONCIERTO DE ROCK CON LA PARTICIPACIÓN DE LOS PELLEJOS, ALEX LORA Y EL TRI, PANTEÓN ROCOCO, U2, POLICE Y ALEX SYNTEK (JUNTO CON OTROS POR CONFIRMAR, QUE ESTÁN DUDANDO EN COMPROMETERSE CON LA CAUSA POR EL PROBLEMA DE RELACIONES PÚBLICAS QUE REPRESENTA EL MANIFESTARSE ABIERTAMENTE EN CONTRA DE LAS POLÍTICAS DE ISRAEL COMO ELTON JOHN, MANÁ Y LEONARD COHEN). AUNQUE EL ROCK SEA CLARAMENTE UNA FORMA DE EXPRESIÓN DE REBELDÍA Y DESCONTENTO CADUCA, EL CONCIERTO APOYARÁ EN SOLIDARIDAD A LA FLOTILLA DE LA LIBERTAD DIRIGIDA A GAZA INTERCEPTADA Y ATACADA ILEGALMENTE POR ISRAEL EL 31 DE MAYO DE 2010, QUE RESULTÓ POR LO MENOS EN 9 MUERTOS Y 20 HERIDOS, LO QUE CONSTITUYE UN CRIMEN DE GUERRA CONDENADO POR LA COMUNIDAD INTERNACIONAL (EXCEPTUANDO OBAMA Y SU EQUIPO CORPORATIVISTA PRO-ISRAEL).
DURANTE EL CONCIERTO TOMAREMOS LA OPORTUNIDAD DE PROTESTAR TAMBIÉN EN CONTRA DEL BLOQUEO MENTAL DE LAS ELITES CULTURALES QUE NIEGAN LA REALIDAD DE GUERRA CIVIL QUE VIVIMOS EN MÉXICO, Y QUE ILUSAMENTE CONTINÚAN USANDO A LA CULTURA, AL ARTE CONTEMPORÁNEO, AL ROCK Y A LAS INSTITUCIONES COMO ESCUDOS PARA DEFENDERSE CONTRA LA POSIBILIDAD DE UN ESTALLIDO SOCIAL REAL DE LAS HUESTES URBANAS DESPOSEÍDAS INVISIBLES, DE LOS NARCOS IMPLACABLES SEDIENTOS DE SANGRE Y DÓLARES Y DE LOS CAMPESINOS ENARDECIDOS QUE AMENAZAN NUESTRO PEQUEÑO ENTORNO CULTURAL Y POLÍTICO.
EL STATUS QUO EN ISRAEL Y NUESTRA ELITE CULTURAL, CÓMPLICES DE LAS ÉLITES CORPORATIVAS Y POLÍTICAS, TIENEN MUCHO EN COMÚN PORQUE LOS DOS CUERPOS MANTIENEN UNA MENTALIDAD DE BUNKER, RACISTA Y FARISEA, EL PRIMERO USANDO ARMAMENTOS REALES Y EL SEGUNDO USANDO ESTRATEGIAS CULTURALES REDUCTIVAS E INSUSTANCIALES PARA INVISIBILIZAR Y ASÍ CONTROLAR A LOS MOVIMIENTOS DE RESISTENCIA POR PARTE DE CIVILES QUE SE ESTÁN LLEVANDO A CABO EN AMBOS PAÍSES.
OBVIAMENTE LAS ÉLITES CULTURALES DE MÉXICO SON MAS PENDEJAS E INSULSAS PERO SU PENDEJEZ ES SOLAMENTE UN VELO QUE ENMASCARA SUS PERVERSAS INTENCIONES DE CONTROLAR Y MANTENER EL STATUS QUO DE SU HEGEMONÍA DE CINCO SIGLOS.
CELEBREMOS CON JÚBILO ESTAS GRANDES COINCIDENCIAS ENTRE LAS ESTRATEGIAS PARALELAS DE DOS GRANDES Y PERDURABLES ENTES IMPUNES, PRODUCTORES DE CONSENSO Y VERDADES FALSAS QUE NO DUDAN EN UTILIZAR LA VIOLENCIA REAL Y POLÍTICA PARA PROTEGER SUS INTERESES.
QUE VIVA LA SINRAZÓN DE LAS POLÍTICAS ISRAELÍES HACIA EL PUEBLO PALESTINO Y A LOS QUE SE SOLIDARIZAN CON ELLOS Y QUE PERDURE EL BLOQUEO CEREBRAL DE LA MENTALIDAD PORFIRISTA DE LAS ÉLITES CULTURALES DEL SIGLO XXI.
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